and invite you to view photos of the student movement of 1971: http://www.facebook.com/album.php?aid=62841&id=100000132343532&l=88c235e5a0
Student Movement of 1971. The short summer of joy
Forty years of the most important student movement the country has ever known, a retrospective look at its major milestones.
we turned the city of the fifteen
up, the troops everywhere, boys kill
saw bullet
girls roll to Willie Tejada
butt shot him,
that I can not forget. That gave
stone and they said
SMG.
The crossed Andres Caicedo
At the beginning of the 70's, the children of the thousands of displaced people arrived in the Colombian cities in the 50 and 60 had cornered the basic education system, and many of them demanding higher education. Colombian society was changing rapidly, and new judgments and criteria were the order of the day. Thousands of young, newly urbanized claimed a place in society and the right to participate in the decisions of the nation. Is this the reason why the university will be the field of confrontation between the conservative country, feudal and sanctimonious, and who demand a new society.
The student movement of 1971 began with a protest march at the Universidad del Valle on February 26. Around half of these incidents, the police try to take the university and a student leader dies there. The riots are irrigated throughout the city of Cali and the end of the day there is a balance of more than 30 people killed. From this point develops agitation leading to the arrest of 35 universities, nearly all public and some private, as the Javeriana, the Andes, Tadeo, the Commonwealth, the Holy Tomas, the INCCA and Gran Colombia. In clandestine meetings and conferences, the university built a "minimum program" that summarizes their requirements. What
claimed these young 71? 1. Output of universities by U.S. agencies (Ford Foundation, Kellogg Foundation, USAID, Peace Corps, etc.). 2. Reform of College Councils (which were part of the Church, Andi, Fenalco, the Ministry of Defense and other entities that did not represent the university community). 3. Increased budget for higher education. 4. Co-governance in public (government administration, students, faculty and staff of schools) 1. It was a year of major demonstrations that won this spot in the National Universities of Antioquia and Bogota. In the short spring co-government, the students managed to raise the research budget, increase quotas, reinstate expelled, defend academic freedom and strengthen the public university financially.
1. Student Federation of the Universidad del Valle (FEUV). 1971-1972, political development of the student movement, edited by FEUV, Cali, 1973 and Demarcation magazine, year 1, No. 1, June 1971, Medellin.
Authors like Jesus Martin-Barbero and Carlos Mario Perea insist on ensuring that only in 1984 with the murder of Rodrigo Lara Bonilla, "the country seemed to notice the presence here of a new social actor, the Youth *. On the contrary, I believe that 1971 is the year of the emergence of youth in Colombia. From February to December this year, thousands of college and high school students paralyzed 35 universities and hundreds of schools, developing the broader student movement that the country has memory. The result is a reform of the education system falls a year later, when the students were demobilized. The Minister of Education should be at the forefront of negotiations with the students was another young man, Luis Carlos Galan, who by then was 27.
Another event that confirms this is the realization of Ancon Rock Festival, held in La Estrella (Antioquia), a municipality near Medellin, between 18 and 20 June 1971 under the slogan "It's a matter of faith and we join together with music. " Bands participated Pillar of Fire, Plant (with Augusto Martelo and Chucho Merchán), Lump of Dreams, La Banda del Marciano, Great Society of the State, tough meat, The Munsters, Conspiracy of the Zodiac, La Banda Universal Love, The Laser, Johnny Richard, Fernando belt and Stone Free. The festival showed a strong youth movement around the rock to gather more than 30,000 participants who remained three days.
is also the year 1971 which consolidates the group called Cali, led by Andrés Caicedo, the most important literary youth in Colombia. These troops were part of Youth: Caicedo, Hernando Guerrero, Luis Ospina, Carlos Mayolo and Sandro Romero. Also, this year Caicedo and his friends opened Solar City, a cultural center that allows visibility to the brand new cultural expressions was the capital of Valle. In 1971, Andres writes stories as important as the through, Destinitos fatal Calibans, Patricialinda, Angelita and Michelangelo, and gives a nasty body play based on Mario Vargas Llosa and Harold Pinter. It also provides back the VI Pan American Games, between July 30 and August 13 in the presence of 2935 athletes from 32 countries. The event was described by the media as "the great festival of youth."
* Martin-Barbero, Jesus, Youth: des-palimpsest of cultural and identity, living at all, youth, cultural territories and new sensibilities, Century of Male Publishers, IUCD, Bogotá, 1998.
From: http://www.desdeabajo.info/index.php/ediciones/214-edicion-166/8795-movimiento-estudiantil-de-1971-el-corto-verano-de-la-alegria.html
By: Diego Sanchez Gonzalez (1)
- I came to study sociology at the Universidad Nacional in a special time with many changes in the world, and in particular, with many changes between youth. The movement of 71 was the peak of the wave, that sequence of events of the sixties. A time of mobilization, struggle and student organization in that year they had great concrete. On the other hand sociology was a hotbed of ideas, was the epicenter of the activities of the left and the student movement. There were studying Juan José Arango Londoño and Uriel Ramirez, Member Higher University Council to be won at the National University with the struggles of students.
The student protests of the late sixties and early seventies are related to several requests from students, problems that have not changed much except they have worsened, budget deficits and public universities. Or democracy within the universities, at the time the higher councils of the universities were conspicuously undemocratic institutions, with participation by sectors that had nothing to do with the universities and the unions (Fenalco, Andi, Sac, etc.), The church and the Ministry of Defence, which only appeared in schools to punish students. Another claim that is why the fight of the year has to do with the demand of withdrawal of American agencies directly influencing the University: The Kellogg Foundation, Ford Foundation, Rockefeller, was present and active control all nature and interfered directly in the direction of the university. Respondents were asked to leave these foundations of universities and I very well documented in that famous speech to university presidents (2).
also collected complaints about the academic freedom, to end the confessional that decorated in universities and other more specific claims, for example, Javeriana University had been expelled a few leaders of a student group calling itself the Movement Catalonia and is asking for reinstatement.
What drives the movement is not just the events in Cali on 26 February is actually a fact that gives an extension to the problem, put the problem in the forefront of public opinion. Misael Pastrana's government committed a slaughter because it reacts violently against a student demonstration and declares a state of siege. From the moment the government starts to close the universities one after another, thinking thereby stopping the movement student, but students continued to go to universities despite being closed, not moving from universities. Often when you close a school as boys are going to their homes and the problem is over, but here it did not happen, the universities were closed, but the university remained mobilized. Became forums, meetings, conferences were held seven students, a record that has not been repeated, some of them underground. The government coined the idea that this was an anarchist movement, the leaders were not students, we were infiltrators. Thus, we present a minimum program setting out the problems and presented solutions, and the country realized it was not a problem in two or three agitators.
The organizational form they assume the students are the base that elected committees of representatives from the students in each grade, each school and each college, and joined in the National Student Solidarity Committee, which generally represent various trends policies that had been present at the university. In the UN was not a student council, therefore, work very well Committees Base. On the other hand, in the Antioquia University and was a student organization at U del Valle was the direction the University Federation of Students del Valle, FEUV. That was when government persecution intensified student and a meeting took place in Barranquilla arrested several leaders. Later I was arrested outside the National University, and although part of the movement were arrested and many leaders in hiding, the movement continued, the excitement did not stop, then the government called for negotiations and here we Co -government (ie in the direction of the National Universities of Antioquia, students, teachers and workers, we had representation).
Patriotic Youth, an organization to which I belonged, had a presence dominant as shown by the fact that JUPA obtained in the elections of the UN for 70% of the vote. Newspaper said that participation would be low because students were not interested in the issue of co-government, but the involvement of students spilled all calculations.
Unfortunately there is an inconsistency of some political sectors that had been present at the university. When you get this conquest of co-governance, which is achieved in the National University of Antioquia, some sections of the left declare a boycott of these tips in an inconsistent attitude because the students had struggled all year to achieve co-government. Then the government advantage of this and take back the gains of students. The left was inconsistent with this great conquest of the study, this co-governance advocated by the student may have changed the history of the university in Colombia. However, in the short time it lasted, showed results since rejoined the expelled, were provided resources for research, oversaw the university budget and progress in the democratization of the cloisters.
Another significant development in the fight of the year 71 has to do with political-military left, the armed left, has no greater weight in the student movement, as happened in the sixties with the Federation National University-FUN-where several of its leaders, entered the ranks of the National Liberation Army. For 1971 are present MOIR and organizations such as the Patriotic Youth, Young Communist, Trotskyist groups in the Valley, Press Worker, Socialist Bloc, the Camille and Maoist groups close to the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party or mls. In the eighties the armed organizations resumed their strength in the student movement.
This is the reason why that movement is very important, the movement aimed to external processes to students, claiming it was the student. The left traditionally viewed the student movement as a pool of pictures and wanted the students moved to other sectors such as workers, peasants or were linked to the armed groups, the student is despised. We had an internal discussion in this discussion we review the theory and revolutionary experience of other countries and we conclude that the university was an essential link in the system and needed reforms that will transform the university, as any social revolution needs a cultural revolution. Therefore, student claims defended as fair.
But 1971 is a pivotal year in social struggles in Colombia, the peasants this year undertakes a series of acquisitions of land throughout the country and Ecopetrol workers, grouped in the USO, made a great strike where the union is killed Fermin Amaya.
NOTES (1) The full text of this interview and others on the student movement of 1971, as part of a broader study being conducted by the author hopes to publish under the title: And how was the back?, brief history of the student movement in Bogotá.
(2) Marcelo Torres appeared before the National Council of Rectors of the Colombian Association of Universities on April 27, 1971, on behalf of students grouped in the Committee National Student Solidarity.
From: http://elsalmonurbano.blogspot.com/2011/03/dialogo-con-marcelo-torres-dirigente.html
Report with Marcelo Torres, the head of the Student Movement of Colombia in 1971
difficultnoted most controversial event in the history of Colombian university student movement of 1,971. Maybe today is not stretch of the struggles of students which may arise at the same time as resolved accessions and sympathy on the one hand, nor so vitriolic insults and condemnations of others. 71 In the conflict of all parties and political forces, in one way or another, expresses its opinion about the university and society in Colombia, hugged one of the positions in the fight brought and showed their true nature at critical moments of that. Therefore, ten years after those events, has interviewed THEOREM Marcelo Torres, now a member of the national leadership of the MOIR and who was one of the leaders of the movement of 71.
RT: What causes the student movement gave rise to 71?
Marcelo Torres (MT): No doubt all the problems that plagued then the Colombian university system. At the beginning of the year of 1,971, universities rampant overt dissent. The main point was that students and teachers suffered the sharpest despotism of the Higher University Council. At public universities the chronic budget deficit kept them on the brink of paralysis, while private rampant as ever. In all it was obvious that little research done was done for and under the patterns of foreign companies, mostly American, the situation had exacerbated the minds of students. This did not happen by chance. It was the product of the reorganization of the entire Colombian educational system from top to bottom in place by governments frentenacionalistas during the sixties. The postwar period brought the U.S. primacy over most of the planet, otherwise, it was already old in the country. Only now he complete thorough, covering all spheres of social life. For Colombia, and for almost all Latin American nations, the new era of American colonialism meant, among other things, economic plans, elevation to the rank of the state's leading economic power and, above all, growing foreign investment in the industry. A Atcon Rudolph, author of a "plan" that bears his name systematized time adjustments required by the U.S. dominance in the educational field. Thus, the Master Plan for Higher Education in Colombia led to laws and decrees reorganizing its educational system and set the tone for the content of education. In essence, the plan was merely reinforcing the undemocratic government in the universities, the establishment of a discipline against students and teachers, the strong momentum of private education while weakening public university, the adoption of organizational reforms modern academic and government absolute control over the content of programs. It was the final abolition of university autonomy.
RT: Did you you have listed does not imply a contradiction?
MT: Indeed. The reorganization of the university and of education reflected, to some extent, changes in the material base of the country following the new and growing foreign investment mainly controlled by the United States, the phenomenon emphasized the development of a gigantic state capitalism . This eventually changes to the classroom. The old order university became the organization's departments and areas, the credit system, research seminars and new methods of evaluating knowledge; university courses were diversified. To the extent that translated the new changes in the country, the changes amounted to a more advanced system compared to the stale structure of the power compartments and boundaries of knowledge. I think very few will deny that being an improvement on that old high school, with their boring sermons of Father Faria and eminently scholastic orientation was modified by the orientation of training young people to perform tasks in different productive activities. Marx said that in the polytechnics was the "germ of the education of the future." But, in sharp contrast with the modernizing reforms, the old authority of the State, the latest big business and the centuries of the cloth was reinforced in the direction of the universities. In short, modernization was not accompanied by democracy for the university, but for the most odious despotism. More so because these reforms, plans and academic programs, research, and the old power structure were adopted, made or held under issued U.S. imperialism, ie, all was not only undemocratic but also anti-national, far from unmatched in science at universities in Colombia with the Old World and the U.S., the did rule that the assimilation of global advances in science will be done in our midst with a dropper because it suited the interests estadinenses. Needless to say, everything was done with the connivance of the liberal-conservative government of Colombia. This state of things had to necessarily lead to the crisis of the university. This was aided by the resurgence of anti-imperialist struggle in Latin America and the battles in the country especially the workers and peasants to defend their interests. Atcon warned: "If there is a real student power, single solitary student on the board of the university may become completely inoperative the August body... Is like having a spy enemy in a staff meeting. "Well, the movement of 71 achieved more than that shattered the" August body ".
RT: Can you make an account of developments ?
MT: Absolutely. It all began with the rejection of students at the Universidad del Valle to the control exercised over it by a private entity and its requirement that the appointment of the dean of one of its faculties are made democratically. By the end of 1,970 students at the University of Antioquia had challenged the entire power structure of the institution and demanded the establishment of a democratic government teachers and students in replacement of the old Board of the university. But on 26 February 1971 the government of Pastrana Borrero perpetrated a horrible massacre against the students and the people of Cali and the same day declared a state of siege. Announced a national strike was working for 8 March, a wave of farm invasions on unused land from the landlords moved from north to south, a national teachers' strike was made and a vigorous student movement was underway. In such circumstances it is clear that the official order of fire on students and the masses must be decisively influenced Cali for fear of government that all these movements together his forces was President Pastrana will avert this possibility by terror. What in the logic of tyranny then had to play the role of exemplary punishment, he became the starting point of one of the most memorable of the student movement in Colombia. Though the official bullets took around fifty victims in Cali, including the student Edgar Mejia Vargas, student demonstrations flooded the streets of major cities and towns in the country despite the violent government crackdown. As of April 16, when the army occupied the National University until mid-June, the government have joined in the sad feat of ordering the closure of around thirty universities, peppering shot demonstrators and jailing hundreds and even thousands of students. The politics of the sword was combined with the demagoguery, the minister of education and even the same Pastrana Borrero university announced early reform and ordered the establishment of a herd of scribes who wrote the forced march, behind the university community. None of this paid off, far from abating, the riot intensified. The students broke with a vengeance not seen his combativeness and his contempt for the enemy power. Try to stop the movement was for the government, even though she used all the instruments of power, a company so vain as to want to hold hands with a raging torrent. So splendid eruption of revolutionary energy of the life force of the nation, its youth, aroused the sympathy and support of the most advanced and consistent Colombia. Independent trade unions strongly supported the rebellion of the university. Progressive intellectuals enthusiastically greeted youth insurgency so courageously defied the wrath of the oppressor. Only backward minorities, all rotten and desueto the country, furious clamored for the worst punishment for insubordination and subversion. Natural ally throughout battle, high school students stood out not only in street clashes in the major urban centers but even in towns where there were no universities there, their belligerent detachments were the natural extension of the struggle. Forces hitherto tentative, as university teachers, were in many parts drawn into combat, made statements supporting and fulfilled important tasks. The bodies, grouped in a national council, caught between the counterclaims of the government and the tide of the tumult which reached to the neck in their universities, came out in late April against official repression and the decree establishing drastic Penalties for students. As the conflict became lumpy, that the mass media, official and semiofficial had no choice but to reflect it in their own way. The mainstream press lucubrations burst into sighs and moaning for deciphering what the armed repression had failed to stop. There was talk of "crisis" that discussed the Colombian university. All sorts of nonsense was put forward to explain it and a string of plasters invoked to remedy it. The result, nevertheless, was to place the university problem in the center of public attention from the country. The truth was that the movement had gained a national audience, certainly favorable. In general, Very briefly, this was the first installment of struggle.
RT: What were the objectives of the movement?
MT: What is called the "minimum program." It was approved by the second of several national meetings of students made that year, held in Bogota in mid-March. Included all the key demands of students and professors at the university. Actually constitutes the basis for a democratic reform of it. His first and most important point demanded the abolition of the old university higher councils and their replacement by new government agencies in the curds eliminated was any involvement of the private sectors outside the university and the Curia, three students and three teachers, however, constitute two thirds of all its members. The significance of this claim is that the fundamentals of democracy in education, academic freedom and research, is a dead letter while the majority sectors of the university is governed. Raised also the representatives of students and faculty were elected democratically, as well as other university officials (deans, directors, etc..). Other points demanded that the government would cover the deficit of universities, freeze tuition and allocate at least 15% of education budget to the National University. Occupied prominent state funding for all higher education, the abolition of ICFES, development of scientific research to serve the nation and the review of all contracts with foreign universities. Categorically included the right of students, both undergraduates and high school, to form independent labor organizations. Finally, specific objectives, the retired rector of the Universidad del Valle, Ocampo Londoño, and the private entity controlled by the university, and as the reopening of the faculty of sociology at the Javeriana. The minimum program of 71, to the extent it is directed against the U.S. imperialist intervention in education, which repudiates the despotic regime imposed on it by the liberal-conservative government and most backward forces in our society, and in both substantial democratic reforms pursued college life, it retains its validity as a control program of the Colombian student.
RT: Who are left to propose the idea of \u200b\u200bthe "minimum program" aimed at the fight?
MT: The "program minimum "was a reflection of the plight of the university system as a whole and of the revolutionary position that had to deal with it. At first all the political groups involved in the national leadership body motion passed. But as the struggle required a greater degree of consistency with the interests of the student masses, the JUCO pro-Soviet organization, and the Trotskyists, practically disowned the program. They argued that even with getting the students and faculty co-governance would be impossible to change anything in college, in education, they said, no revolutionary changes can occur before the triumph of revolution.
RT: But you did not raise a similar argument in April 71, in a speech to national governing council?
MT: For the Patriotic Youth, youth organization MOIR, as for the whole contemporary revolutionary movement in Colombia was whether or not any revolutionary changes in education and culture before the revolution culminated, raised in the course of a great mass movement for the first time, was a theoretical and practical problem again. Most left went for the easy but wrong way leading to conclude that such changes were unworkable. My speech to national governing council, but did contribute to national dissemination of the minimum program and to denounce the outrages of the soldiers officer against the student, suffered from severe limitations: repeated the mechanistic view that while not change the social system would not change the education and democracy confused why the workers and peasants fighting the bourgeois-democratic system. Francisco Mosquera was the leader of the MOIR, based on the rich experience that is unfolding before our eyes, who said the proper focus of the program. Through a series of fruitful discussions gave way to the Marxist-Leninist whereby all great social revolution precedes a revolution in culture. By May we were all unified and around the new position. Hundreds of meetings, thousands of meetings, several national meetings and countless more mass meetings were scenes throughout the country, passionate debates on the issue. Everywhere the Patriotic Youth Trotskyist refuted the absurd claim according to which teachers and students are nothing more than "mere players" of the ideology of the ruling classes. Argue that the oligarchic class culture in power is invulnerable and invincible-replica-equivalent neither more nor less, to make his apology. All manner oppressive need Lenin reminds us of the priest and the executioner, but if modern slaves not begin to shake off the old spiritual name of their exploiters, "he warned us in the controversy, how can derail his political and economic domination? Of all the institutions of the neo-colonial and semi-Colombian society, as in any other society, the university is perhaps the most vulnerable, that is where the power of the dominant classes is more fragile and more likely to be early broken. The reason is simple: she is the quintessential scene of the crash universal among all ideologies, between the world views of all social classes. By stifling the noose that is anti-democracy in education, the fresh wind of the rebellion against old dogmas and obscurantism, against the subservience against U.S. imperialist oppression, ending widespread among students and teachers. It was precisely what happened in 1971. This crisis of the old education and culture old bourgeois-landlord, pro-imperialist, generated a powerful mass movement which surfaced in the new revolutionary culture
the country.
RT: This is the socialist revolutionary culture, Marxism?
MT: Not exclusively. The social base of it is revolutionary classes Colombia: the proletariat, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie. That is, it is a culture made up of the ideology of various kinds-social, necessary for national development, not just the culture of the working class, socialism. All these ideologies were expressed in the student movement of 71, as generally in the rest of the mass movements. As the general interests of these classes clash with imperialist domination over the nation and the landlord system, their ideologies are susceptible to ally and shape as a whole, a new type of culture. However, the consequence in the fight to the end only be ensured if the proletarian socialist culture achieved the position of command. That happened in the movement of 71; because it was the right direction, the correlation of forces properly appreciated, and students could start the Pastrana regime memorable conquests.
RT: What were your most important experiences as a participant in the direction of motion?
MT: Actually the most important contradictions were held between the various political groups participate in the direction of the struggle over a key problem: the line tactics to follow in the crucial moments of the conflict. The government believed that with the closure of many universities, by blocking the assembly centers of the student masses, would cause the cessation of fighting by the dispersion of students and classes submissive return movement in defeat. This belief not only the government professed; found tireless advocates in certain policy areas. The pro-Soviet Communist Party, to which the youth rebellion of the sixties forever surnamed "Mamerto" - published in its press, in April and May, several articles and resolutions urging students to return to school. The commies argued that the government had the initiative and that the movement was in retreat, the dispersal, they said, could only be overcome by accepting the reopening of the universities prepared by the government. They argued that the government's attitude was to negotiate, then the student should not boxed in but display large "ductility" return to universities and regroup. From this position, which became known as the "reunification", became spokesmen of the Communist Youth (JUCO) pro-Soviet and Trotskyites. The MOIR and its youth organization, the Patriotic Youth (JUPA), took the position diametrically opposite. We held that the reopening of universities could only be accepted if the government fulfilled the requirement to replace the old top tips for students and faculty co-governance. Classes callers were only soldiers and police everywhere. They were blind to the waves of young people who only dispersed to regroup and fight again. Considered but not enemy action, no action had in mind real, undeniable, warlike, of the student masses. These challenged to fight the harsh repression without fail, the national leadership of the movement could not, therefore, play a withdrawal if the fighting spirit of the student continued to rise, when the government spoke of surrender, not negotiation. Our position was summarized in the first issue of organ MOIR, "Tribuna Roja", in July 1971. The views found led inevitably to the division of the direction of motion, it was formalized in a stormy and prolonged national gathering of students performed in the second half of May. The die was cast, if the commies and Trotskyism had been right, the fight would have yielded in a few weeks and return to school would have been unstoppable. Happily, the opposite happened. Antioch University is closed on April 22, 14 June is reopened by the government but the same day a student assembly approves the continuation of unemployment, the closing of the University of Tunja was also on 22 April, reopening on 22 June but on 13 July to unemployment is total Nariño University went on holiday forced on 28 April and the government called to school on June 14, but the first of July had to occupy militarily similar situation occurred in many other universities: the Cauca, in Manizales, Atlantic, educational, etc. Medellin. Even where military control, was more ferocious and lifelong learning in universities and industrial
Cartagena de Santander, students fought tirelessly, until late in the second half. In July, the government presented its university reform bill to Congress, and since 25 June had issued a decree that students named as the "guiding police" conferred with discretionary powers as to exert the arbitrary repression in the cloisters . It was clear that the government did not control the situation: the closure of universities had set up permanent agitation in the streets and reopening them was almost immediately rejected by the students. The old higher councils began to crumble in fact, the repre-sentatives of the moth-eaten official academies did not return, the Church publicly announced his retirement on 12 August. The difficulties grew in the ranks of government, the bulk of the guiding had refused to serve ram its repressive policies. This Pastrana decided to cancel the national collegiate conference announced for this summer. Education Minister Luis Carlos Galan, whose stupidity was exceeded only by his demagoguery, did not stop to make a mistake after another in March during talks he held with the direction of motion, the good man believed that his endless babble enough on rural education to cease demonstrations by fatigue, in July, during the presentation positions of students and teachers on the university reform in the fifth committee of the Senate, had the candor to aspire to convince them of the benefits of making government reform only become a target of his just wrath, on the same occasion acculturation to teachers be responsible for the "corrupt" leakage of funds from the National University. Logically, the teachers reacted to the unfair offense polarizing en masse to the positions of students. Since August, part of the mainstream press began a barrage of criticism against the deplorable management of the minister. On 16 June he was re-opened National University, with the resumption of classes is only the government agreed a small group of right of Opus Dei and JUCO. The normal academic, far from restored, gave way to widespread condemnation yet of the new puppet placed by the rectory Pastrana Borrero, Santiago Fonseca, whose ignominious expulsion from the campus made a roaring crowd of students on 23 September. The Communist Party organ thundered that the action had been instigated by elements of the DAS, in the days after the same newspaper, "Voice" Mamerta, burned in fires ignited by student rallies. After nine months, the movement reached a new climax. A new wave of demonstrations and street clashes toured the country. The most violent took place in Medellín and Barranquilla. Another national meeting, the seventh of this troubled year, met in the grounds of the City University of Bogotá and agreed national conference of solidarity with the National. Dispelling the species that the fighting had been instigated by "subversive minorities," Pastrana Borrero expression Nixon slavishly copied, "the true public opinion was the fact of what had taken place, from the government and against him, all university. The isolation of the governing officers on the National Universities and Antioch was complete. A visibly was not a good thing for stability source of a government ostensibly fraudulent, long before their first birthday had reintroduced a state of siege and demonstrated its zeal to preserve the oligarchic order, the permanence of conflict and the university. That head tilt away from expressing new and redoubled vigor, unsuspected in a move that took almost a year. The general interest of the scheme was well worth making - essentially temporal course of a policy of compromise with the rebels. Thus, in the last week of September in the government came the idea of \u200b\u200bcompromise with the students through a committee of eminent persons of the circles academic. More than 20 days after intricate negotiations between government representatives and students, there was agreement. On October 23 the official decree was issued which was the new university governance. Except the government, the new Board of Governors of the National University was abolished participation of all sectors outside the university. It consisted of the Minister of Education or the Chancellor, four deans, two students, two teachers and an alumnus. Elections of student representatives were held in mid November. The Patriotic Youth MOIR and had pointed to the desirability of negotiations with the government since in This time it did exist conditions, the success of the meeting had confirmed the wisdom of this approach. Candidates for the student organization, Uriel Ramírez and Juan José Arango, JUPA leaders, they got about 5,000 votes, the most votes, leaving elected the new Board of Governors. The commies, meanwhile, just got the same vote that the small group of Opus Dei: about 800 votes. The verdict of the students on the political forces was more eloquent and convincing than all the speculation and fabrications of government, the commies and Trotskyism. At year's end, students at Antioch University pulled the government agreement similar to the National ja. The new Board of the university was established in early 1972. There also two student representatives to co-government, elected by a large vote, were members of the JUPA, one of them, the student council president, Amilcar Acosta. In many ways, the movement of 71 is a living model, a lesson in force, revolutionary tactics. Cogobiemo double conquest of National universities and Antioch was a historic victory for the youth and people.
RT: But both were suppressed by the Pastrana government very soon, before completion of the first half of 1,972; How can you explain such a trip?
MT: The first factor that explains this collapse was the state of confusion and disarray prevailing among the students. Decisively contributed to this sect extremoizquierdistas commies and those who attacked the co-government in coalition as well as the regime itself. On the other hand, these same groups, unleashed against the Patriotic Youth MOIR and a fierce campaign, we made the decision to participate in the election campaign, his attacks penetrated mainly in universities by the pervasiveness of prejudice abstained in the student body . Today we smile to see how several of our fiercest critics of the time, who accused us of "betrayal of the youth movement and the revolution", have fallen into the deplorable state into the lap of old masters such as Gerardo Molina liberal or simply fatten the ranks of government bureaucracy more obedient. The co-governance and succumbed in the crossfire between the government, that encouraged the immaturity and unpreparedness of the "troublemakers" to engage in the management of the university, and the JUCO and ultra-leftism on the other hand, branded it bureaucratic and reformer. In its short life, however, left the indelible imprint cogobiemo the revolution in the annals of Colombian university management. Councils university top national universities and Antioch approved by a majority repudiating the government's university reform bill Pastrana which currently before Congress. Most also suspended the enforcement of the agreement of the two universities with foreign institutions like the IDB. The same advice increased the budget for their respective universities, expanded the quota for enrollment, improved student welfare, student and teacher reinstated expelled and dismissed by his fighting stance and promoted the Democratic nomination of deans and department heads. There is perhaps best precedent of university autonomy, the brow for democracy in education and the national interest?. The cogobiemo only had time to conduct preparatory work and overcome some obstacles. He could not even begin its most important role as an instrument of revolution: the task of determining the content of education, key role that the state has always retained oligáquico. Cogobiemo suppression conquered by the struggle does not show, as some say, the futility of that claim. The only thing is once again confirms that the continuation of the revolutionary achievements will always depend on the masses are mobilized to defend them.
RT: What is your opinion on the situation of the Colombian student movement today?
MT: Several things could be answered on this question, suffice it for now to the following: the reflux of years that characterizes this sector mass, manifested in the lack of national organization, the mediocrity and even the apolitical and dissemination of liberal antiquities, dating from when the Communist Party supported the government of Lopez, in college it was expressed in the support that promoted the commies around the body "Marxist" Luis Carlos Pérez. This reflux, such as the popular movement as a whole will not be eternal. The young scholar the country will continue its revolutionary march through the breach opened by the student movement of 71.
From: http://www.juventudpatriotica.com/portada/node/4would it be a lost generation?
" In Colombia, which the French May came much later, would emerge in the seventies, generating more tremendous than the country's history has known: the student movement that began in 1971."
By: Reinaldo Spitaletta
GENERATION MAY FRENCH, or in the United States endorsed as the "Baby Boomer", is retirement stage.
manufacturer was utopias and, in effect, made young people in social agents and actors of history. Framed within the social and cultural revolutions, politicized youth, which before the Second War was apathetic or right. However, in the sixties, the youth were not uniform.
was, of course, those fed peeled disagreement, influenced by the Cuban Revolution, the struggles of national liberation, socialism, and the speeches of Adorno, Marcuse, Sartre and Marxist perspective. Others, especially in America, were an extension of the Beat generation, experience hallucinogenic, the hippies and somehow combat the marginalization of the social. Proclaimed a kind of individualism, capitalism spurs.
These conformists, who seemed a derivation of the hero James Dean and ephemeral, are remarkably portrayed in literature in such works as The Cubs, Vargas Llosa. The first one, the iconoclastic and rebellious romantics, wanted to change the world, being a historical reference: before and after them. The other, pagan and superficial enjoyment, was alienated by the canons of the consumer society and immersed in a carpe diem clueless.
In this sense, the decade of the sixties, the sexual revolution and the miniskirt, was full of contradictions and therefore can not be seen as a uniform, and will use gringos jeans and shirts with effigies of Che Guevara. Youth cultures flourished, which revolutionized the behaviors and habits, particularly as Hobsbawm suggests, in the way of having the leisure and commercial arts. There were times when "making love and making revolution could not be separated clearly."
There were those who claimed the facts that the ways of breaking ties and social norms, to demarcate land with parents and neighbors were sex and drugs. Could be part of those silly "Wonder Years." The other, they thought the midwife of history, was to occupy the streets, evidence of the protest, attempting to change social relations and dream. Because, perhaps as Yeats said, dreams can not be met, but I encourage it.
In Latin America, where hippies were underdeveloped emergence of guerrillas, the salsa, but also expressions of the "new song" and the mediocre Baladites the "new wave" appeared on the literary Boom. At the same time, American Indians sterilized, and were put puppet governments, despite the student demonstrations, to reign in his hunting.
In the sixties, a refined part of the youth anti-imperialist speeches, while other sectors are affiliated with LSD and mushrooms. While some venerated the bearded Cuban poet Mao and Ho Chi Minh and warrior, others idolized the hippie communes and believed that bathing or grow his hair were revolutionary acts. Some were signs of "peace and love" and others shouted "create two, three, many Vietnams."
In Colombia, which the French May came much later, would emerge in the seventies, generating more tremendous than the country's history has known: the student movement broke in 1971. Forty years of that survey, it is again time for the balance: would it be a lost generation? Taken from THE
ESPECTADOR.COM
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