Friday day 1 opening of my exhibition "Visuals Arts Selected Works of Manuel De La Fuente Baños. The decade of the early 2000 the moment of birth of the idea, the first sketch. The art is in the creative process of a work. The music was by David and Max, Melqart group members. 
. It is located on Pine Street 2, distinctive architecture, is covered with aluminum plates. It's a spaceship in the middle of the moor. until 21 I will be there, and in the course of the evening will make a "performance" with live music. The sound is thanks to 
For this reason, the dinosaur located in the Lake Hemisfèric - the longest in the exhibition "From Dinosaurs' and represents a Diplodocus size
Next April 2nd Day is celebrated World Autism Awareness. Autism is considered the cause of developmental disability fastest growing in the world. Its prevalence in children has increased from one case each
Source:
http://www.gva.es/portal/page/portal/inicio/area_de_prensa/not_detalle_area_prensa?id=321520
Next April 2nd Day is celebrated World Autism Awareness. Autism is considered the cause of developmental disability fastest growing in the world. Its prevalence in children has increased from one case each
Recognizing the seriousness and urgency of this situation, the General Assembly
Autism is a lifelong developmental disability of the nervous system and brain functioning, which affects the way a person interprets its surroundings, what you see, hear and touch, difficult to understand, using language and social relationships, imagination and play. Autism is not curable, but it is treatable .. When a child is diagnosed and receive early intervention, appropriate education and therapy recommended by professionals and experts, has been shown by international studies that can become self-sufficient and productive members of society
The May 11, 2010 unanimously approved a proposal not in the Valencian Parliament Act, which calls for the creation of
is necessary in the health sector to implement screening protocols and early intervention, and begin treatment as soon as possible. In education, expand adult education and promote the inclusion of students with autism at all levels, with few material resources, personnel and training necessary for people with autism to develop in equal conditions and possibilities . In social terms, we must develop plans to promote the employability of people with ASD, and take the actions that promote and prepare young people for independent living.
Message from the Secretary General in 2011. UNITED NATIONS.
The number of children and adults with autism continues to increase, in all countries and in all racial, ethnic and social. Although increasingly more attention is paid to autism in world of science, medicine and care, the public is not aware of the conditions of autism. Hence, the annual celebration of World Autism Awareness copper relief even greater because it represents an opportunity to promote action and assistance.
Children and adults with autism are faced with the serious problems of stigma and discrimination, and difficulties in accessing health . Many have to fight many obstacles, every day. Discrimination, abuse and isolation affect many of them terribly and constitute a violation of their fundamental human rights.
Autism is a complex disorder, but with a prompt and appropriate treatment can be achieved, in many cases, an improvement. That is why it is so important to report the symptoms of autism and provide treatment as soon as possible.
is also essential to support parents, creating jobs for people with autism according to their abilities and strengths, and improve public education to better meet the needs of students with autism.
These measures will benefit all and enrich the lives of people with autism and their families, as well as the all other members society alike. In the words of the mother of a child with autism: "My daughter has come a long way, but mine has been even longer."
Emprendamos together this way to a more generous and inclusive.
Ban Ki-moon
Today is a day of thanks.
thank the Valencian society's response to our Charity Gala. We know that more than 200 people were left without tickets due to lack of capacity. The room was completely full, there was no one else.
rociero AL ALBA Choir has given us all the creeps and emotions to the surface. The end brought tears rociera save more than one. Its twenty voice choir, plus his solo guitars and their boxes .... tremendous, wordless. Thanks Film, AL ALBA thanks for your selflessness and for your expertise, thanks to the group dance Aires del Sur, and the group of initiation, thanks everyone for the outpouring of art and talent, we've seen people singing the chorus mourn the feeling they put, is tremendous.
reading a poem and a letter thanking the grandparents of our sons and daughters with autism its comforting presence in our lives and daily assistance, essential to us, and the tribute quoting one to one with their names and giving them a detail in a snap with our bond of autism, touched chord with all of us, while the walls of the hall of sober Petxina
From here, to thank the Commission
We remain a big family, and I'm very proud of belonging to ASPAU.
INVITE TO ACT OF MEMORY IN SPAIN PLAZA
Thursday 24 at 18.30 pm.
At 35 years of the coup that left 30,000 missing. We call on the event to be held on Thursday 24 and from 18:30 pm at Plaza Spain.
March 24 marks the anniversary of 1976 when the forces armadas argentinas tomaron el gobierno por las armas destituyendo a un gobierno elegido por el pueblo y a pocos meses ya de la fecha en que se debían realizar nuevas elecciones nacionales. Ver la nota completa en este enlace...
For the second consecutive year, the Palau de la Musica in Valencia blue lights at night from day 1 to April 2, joining the initiative "blue lights" of Autism Speaks, to celebrate the April 2, declared a World Awareness Day autism. Through this campaign seeks to raise awareness in society, disseminate and raise awareness about autism.
Last year, BAN KI-MOON, UN Secretary General launched a global message which was read:
Day World Autism Awareness is dedicated to creating greater understanding of autism and to promote universal adherence to the United Nations Convention. By combining research and advocacy, we provide adults and children with disabilities such as autism protection, the support they need and the full integration in an inclusive society.
commemorate the World Day for Autism Awareness, remember that each of us can take that responsibility. Unite people with autism, their families and their advocates in a community of voices, to raise awareness and understanding. We must also look inward and re-evaluate our attitudes and our societies to eliminate prejudices that discriminate against persons with disabilities. Let us dedicate ourselves to creating a just and caring society that allows the true dignity and rights for all .
From ASPAU return to wholeheartedly thank Ms. Mrs. Mary Irene Beneyto, OAM President of Palau de la Musica, which shows the enormous sensitivity towards people with autism at any time, and no longer only for the reason to accept our request for another year.
We invite Valencian society, Associations, Cabinets, professionals, and friends of autism, to join us for this magical night against the sources of the Palau de la Musica, where we can celebrate together as one big family This moving ceremony, prelude to all activities starting in the morning of April 2.
We have prepared a video with pictures of last year, cast the music of the campaign this year, "Light it up blue", which appears below. The original video of Autism Speaks you can see it HERE.
I hope in Palau.
by Romero, Luis Alberto
past decade and a half many of us have agreed in advance memory policies relating to the military dictatorship: the Process. It was to expose the repressive action of those years, in order to generate feelings of rejection and horror, which should play an important role in building democracy. Who had some connection with education, agreed that it was a meaningful civic work. To synthesize an example: we agree on the importance of teens read the report never .
There is a tension between the politics of memory and historical knowledge. The past belongs to everyone, and everyone is free to remember what suits you, no need for "truth." Remember, forget, distort, subsume, select, alter, mute, inventing: these are all valid operations for those ultimately are building their identity. Instead growers rigorous knowledge, but do not expect to get at the truth absolute, are committed to approaching it as much as possible, work with rigor and reduce and control the bias for each perspective. An attitude has mostly judge, the other to understand, and between them there is a tense coexistence with different balances.
In 1983 there was a broad consensus: it was a matter of political memory and had to judge. Historians agree, we are a bit careless of rigor and think about everything as citizens. Untroubled by the rigorous demands of knowledge, our politics of memory, we practice since the end of the Falklands War, was intended build a picture of the process that serve to support the new democracy. In essence, it was a successful task: the process came to be hated. "Thereby strengthening democracy on a lasting basis?
The process should be condemned on moral and political. Democracy is beginning to build traditions had almost no recognizable and should be based on an act of collective faith, a claim a priori its values \u200b\u200band its power. The horror of the process provided that conviction, we emerged from the darkness and entered the realm light. Are manifest immediate success of this politics of memory, of the construction of a past horror. The process was, in this version, a genocide practiced by the military, who became his victim to the whole society, people. It was a useful simplification. Many who were trapped in 1981 by the discourse of human rights and the Argentines, or those who cheered in April 1982 the military leaders who had "conquered" the Malvinas, adhered with sincerity and enthusiasm to the ideas was able to synthesize in his campaign Raul Alfonsin. Discursive and political success was resounding, and did not seem appropriate undermine this consensus by bringing up uncomfortable details that are obvious just review the news story of those years.
displayed
Today unwanted effects of a politics of memory that once seemed highly virtuous and still believe, essentially correct. These effects refer to the tension between the perspective of the citizen and historian, for whom reality is not composed of blacks and whites, and also to try to understand. We have accomplished much more in the abhorrence of process in their understanding, and this deficiency has important civic and political consequences. Although there are excellent academic texts, are still rare, and could not influence much on common sense, especially in those formed in the struggle for human rights, including parents and children of victims .
The first result was unwanted conformism of the times of the party associated with a celebration of triumph over oppression society that seemed increasingly ritual: March 24 was on his way to swell the pomp school, as a mobile holiday. Today it is another cause for alarm, the opposite direction: the attitudes, judgments and Manichaean practices that developed in the heat of that image. Manichaeism, to some extent, it is good to feed the belief and faith and constitute collective identity and the new democracy needed a lot of it. But often the source of a new intolerance, manifested in practices and in the ideas.
With the deepening of the crisis in Argentina, practices have been crecreciendo intolerant. For some, the memory of the process has become a weapon of struggle, different organizations are built around the defense of human rights are considered authorized to abandon the principles that once formed his main contribution to the construction of democracy: the idea of \u200b\u200brights, tolerance, respect for the law. One thing is to show the residents of a neighborhood that a normal looking person is irrefutably a torturer, quite another to his lynching. One thing is to apply these methods of public exposure to those who have committed crimes against humanity and other is used against those with whom it disagrees politically. Between one thing and another goes the line between civic action worthy of barbarism. In many of the practices that have become common in recent years this line looks ready to be bred.
Hay otra intolerancia: la del pensamiento. Afecta a quienes no quieren apartarse del camino de la corrección política y se aferran a sus formas exteriores, convertidas en fetiches y tabúes. Es sintomática la facilidad con que en estas exitosas políticas de la memoria se ha asimilado el Proceso con el Holocausto, como si uno explicara automáticamente al otro: fórmulas o símbolos utilizados en nuestra política de la memoria han sido tomados, sin un examen crítico, de la experiencia del nazismo. Con ello se ha ganado en eficacia, pero se ha perdido en comprensión. El repudio al Proceso se apoya en palabras o fórmulas fuertes, colocadas más allá de la comprensión racional. Cualquier esfuerzo de inquiry that challenges some of the names, classifications or formulas is considered a threat to the whole building. Even postulated that part of the experience of horror is inaccessible to reason, reasoning unworthy of those who say they want to build a coexistence based on the rational pursuit of common good.
In the field of our politics of memory, the word "genocide" has been imposed as a way to call the slaughter of political dissidents, brings to the abhorrence of the whole process of harmonic sounds that resonate with the Holocaust: in the end, all leaders are "fascists" another word symbolic. A year ago, in a meeting on the report, Silvia Sigal sparked outrage from one sector of the audience, politically correct, when he noted the low relevance of the word, there was no ethnic criteria in the killings, while its ability to cover the true extent of repression, which was political. Reasoning not only more comprehensive but, at heart, even more correct than the previous one was rejected on behalf of a threatened orthodoxy of the word. At this point, condemning seems more important than understanding.
The main problem, in my opinion, refers to the resulting image of the current democratic experience, built on the hatred of the Process. Faced with a military regime that synthesized all-powerful forces of evil, democracy, equally powerful, was identified with good. Democracy could do anything. It was the panacea, an image that has built up Alfonsin convincingly in his campaign speeches, to which many subscribe enthusiastically. Perhaps we should warn then that the two aspects of the democratic equation, the power and goodness of the system-deserved to be subjected to scrutiny. The truth is that the positions involved with civility, with the consciousness and militancy were imposed on those, necessarily more nuanced and less able to engage, related to knowledge.
In the early part of the democratic building a democracy had "silly", deluded and confident. Not bad: without this illusion there would be no democracy. With that illusion, he overestimated the ability of democracy, which should give everybody a satisfactory solution to all problems. It is obvious that this is not possible in general, particularly given all the circumstances of the Argentina post 1983, some old and some that Process the fruit were recent. Exaggerate its power, regardless of the strength of these constraints. The more was expected of democracy, the harder was the confrontation with reality.
democracies that do exist are all below the ideal of democracy, never realized. The ideal has a formidable ability to mobilize, but any movement towards an ideal is, at some point, a share of disappointment, more or less according to the dose of realism with which it has qualified. With democracy built in 1984 failed in the first place from a critical perspective to bridge the gap between ideal and reality then also failed a comprehensive look, which seek to understand the reasons for this gap. Missed all you usually can provide the know.
is not bad we have written history books. Is that drove things so that we no transition from extreme enthusiasm to disillusionment. The love object happened to be sued and criticisms. It is even possible that, by dint of keeping track of broken promises, finish making democracy an object of hatred, not only did nothing to solve our problems, but the aggravated and even caused. Before academic colleagues have begun to raise the issue, many have gathered this passage of love to criticism, and the halls of hatred in the conversations we have had with students, who however does not falter in his hatred to the Process.
Somehow, the current crisis will help us better understand what happened. It seems clear today that Argentina's problems far exceed the democratic regime and relate to deeper things such as the nature of the state, the country's location in the world and even the very terms of political agreement, perhaps poorly, became in one state and a nation to a group of people settled in different territorial fragments. And is difficult to imagine who could hold the key to the solution, it is also overly simplistic today blamed for everything Process. If we can overcome anger and despair and we can deal again in school and in public discussion areas, a review of our recent history, probably discover that it's time to narrow these apotheosis of memory, which put the process on a scale similar explanatory key to Nazism and the Holocaust. Maybe it's time that historians remember the basic premises of our knowledge.
One is that no society built something from nothing. Neither the process nor democracy. The process was not an event out of time, was linked by many ties to the company's experience in Argentina. The overwhelming evil, who can doubt, "its leaders were creatures of our society, and the context in which they emerged magically disappeared no withdrawal. Democracy, which was in his imagination immediately deny the past, was not born in a cabbage but of the same womb, was built with existing materials, precarious, perhaps waste. Those who had. With politicians in times long militancy above with deeply damaged institutions, in the end, democracy must govern with the Buenos Aires Police, and with values \u200b\u200bonly partially identified with those who usually underlying a democratic system. The democratic credentials were impeccable democratic. I suspect that a review of this type will be less sharp line that separates the wicked from the good.
Another thing that historians must remember: democracy is strictly a system for electing leaders and control them, but says little about the conditions under which the government is exercised. Judgments about what should been made in each situation, often naive, they are much more when they assume that the democratic authorities had full power, a power equivalent to that attributed to the Process. Democratically elected governments since 1983 should have led a state that we know today, was already deeply undermined, something like a car with brake problems, throttle and shifter. Only after the cash count of 1983 can seriously consider the question of responsibility, undoubtedly large, who participated in this democratic experience.
For, ultimately, is not simply to judge, from absolute values, ideals and abstract, it is to know and understand in order to assume the responsibilities: those who understand can only be judged fairly and act accordingly. Are these issues, citizenship and responsibility, which must be properly raised, whether in the classroom or in public discussion, rejecting the temptation, so easy appellant, to assign responsibility only to "them": the Process, the banks, the IMF or the politicians. I think it is necessary to re-promote in the review of our immediate past and mediate a more distanced namely belief, less immediately drenched in civility, with a view to forming a critical citizen. The hope is that eventually a critical conscience defend the values \u200b\u200bof democracy better and more efficiently than naive consciousness.
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GALLERY 
noted most controversial event in the history of Colombian university student movement of 1,971. Maybe today is not stretch of the struggles of students which may arise at the same time as resolved accessions and sympathy on the one hand, nor so vitriolic insults and condemnations of others. 71 In the conflict of all parties and political forces, in one way or another, expresses its opinion about the university and society in Colombia, hugged one of the positions in the fight brought and showed their true nature at critical moments of that. Therefore, ten years after those events, has interviewed THEOREM Marcelo Torres, now a member of the national leadership of the MOIR and who was one of the leaders of the movement of 71.
RT: What causes the student movement gave rise to 71?
Marcelo Torres (MT): No doubt all the problems that plagued then the Colombian university system. At the beginning of the year of 1,971, universities rampant overt dissent. The main point was that students and teachers suffered the sharpest despotism of the Higher University Council. At public universities the chronic budget deficit kept them on the brink of paralysis, while private rampant as ever. In all it was obvious that little research done was done for and under the patterns of foreign companies, mostly American, the situation had exacerbated the minds of students. This did not happen by chance. It was the product of the reorganization of the entire Colombian educational system from top to bottom in place by governments frentenacionalistas during the sixties. The postwar period brought the U.S. primacy over most of the planet, otherwise, it was already old in the country. Only now he complete thorough, covering all spheres of social life. For Colombia, and for almost all Latin American nations, the new era of American colonialism meant, among other things, economic plans, elevation to the rank of the state's leading economic power and, above all, growing foreign investment in the industry. A Atcon Rudolph, author of a "plan" that bears his name systematized time adjustments required by the U.S. dominance in the educational field. Thus, the Master Plan for Higher Education in Colombia led to laws and decrees reorganizing its educational system and set the tone for the content of education. In essence, the plan was merely reinforcing the undemocratic government in the universities, the establishment of a discipline against students and teachers, the strong momentum of private education while weakening public university, the adoption of organizational reforms modern academic and government absolute control over the content of programs. It was the final abolition of university autonomy.
RT: Did you you have listed does not imply a contradiction?
MT: Indeed. The reorganization of the university and of education reflected, to some extent, changes in the material base of the country following the new and growing foreign investment mainly controlled by the United States, the phenomenon emphasized the development of a gigantic state capitalism . This eventually changes to the classroom. The old order university became the organization's departments and areas, the credit system, research seminars and new methods of evaluating knowledge; university courses were diversified. To the extent that translated the new changes in the country, the changes amounted to a more advanced system compared to the stale structure of the power compartments and boundaries of knowledge. I think very few will deny that being an improvement on that old high school, with their boring sermons of Father Faria and eminently scholastic orientation was modified by the orientation of training young people to perform tasks in different productive activities. Marx said that in the polytechnics was the "germ of the education of the future." But, in sharp contrast with the modernizing reforms, the old authority of the State, the latest big business and the centuries of the cloth was reinforced in the direction of the universities. In short, modernization was not accompanied by democracy for the university, but for the most odious despotism. More so because these reforms, plans and academic programs, research, and the old power structure were adopted, made or held under issued U.S. imperialism, ie, all was not only undemocratic but also anti-national, far from unmatched in science at universities in Colombia with the Old World and the U.S., the did rule that the assimilation of global advances in science will be done in our midst with a dropper because it suited the interests estadinenses. Needless to say, everything was done with the connivance of the liberal-conservative government of Colombia. This state of things had to necessarily lead to the crisis of the university. This was aided by the resurgence of anti-imperialist struggle in Latin America and the battles in the country especially the workers and peasants to defend their interests. Atcon warned: "If there is a real student power, single solitary student on the board of the university may become completely inoperative the August body... Is like having a spy enemy in a staff meeting. "Well, the movement of 71 achieved more than that shattered the" August body ".
RT: Can you make an account of developments ?
MT: Absolutely. It all began with the rejection of students at the Universidad del Valle to the control exercised over it by a private entity and its requirement that the appointment of the dean of one of its faculties are made democratically. By the end of 1,970 students at the University of Antioquia had challenged the entire power structure of the institution and demanded the establishment of a democratic government teachers and students in replacement of the old Board of the university. But on 26 February 1971 the government of Pastrana Borrero perpetrated a horrible massacre against the students and the people of Cali and the same day declared a state of siege. Announced a national strike was working for 8 March, a wave of farm invasions on unused land from the landlords moved from north to south, a national teachers' strike was made and a vigorous student movement was underway. In such circumstances it is clear that the official order of fire on students and the masses must be decisively influenced Cali for fear of government that all these movements together his forces was President Pastrana will avert this possibility by terror. What in the logic of tyranny then had to play the role of exemplary punishment, he became the starting point of one of the most memorable of the student movement in Colombia. Though the official bullets took around fifty victims in Cali, including the student Edgar Mejia Vargas, student demonstrations flooded the streets of major cities and towns in the country despite the violent government crackdown. As of April 16, when the army occupied the National University until mid-June, the government have joined in the sad feat of ordering the closure of around thirty universities, peppering shot demonstrators and jailing hundreds and even thousands of students. The politics of the sword was combined with the demagoguery, the minister of education and even the same Pastrana Borrero university announced early reform and ordered the establishment of a herd of scribes who wrote the forced march, behind the university community. None of this paid off, far from abating, the riot intensified. The students broke with a vengeance not seen his combativeness and his contempt for the enemy power. Try to stop the movement was for the government, even though she used all the instruments of power, a company so vain as to want to hold hands with a raging torrent. So splendid eruption of revolutionary energy of the life force of the nation, its youth, aroused the sympathy and support of the most advanced and consistent Colombia. Independent trade unions strongly supported the rebellion of the university. Progressive intellectuals enthusiastically greeted youth insurgency so courageously defied the wrath of the oppressor. Only backward minorities, all rotten and desueto the country, furious clamored for the worst punishment for insubordination and subversion. Natural ally throughout battle, high school students stood out not only in street clashes in the major urban centers but even in towns where there were no universities there, their belligerent detachments were the natural extension of the struggle. Forces hitherto tentative, as university teachers, were in many parts drawn into combat, made statements supporting and fulfilled important tasks. The bodies, grouped in a national council, caught between the counterclaims of the government and the tide of the tumult which reached to the neck in their universities, came out in late April against official repression and the decree establishing drastic Penalties for students. As the conflict became lumpy, that the mass media, official and semiofficial had no choice but to reflect it in their own way. The mainstream press lucubrations burst into sighs and moaning for deciphering what the armed repression had failed to stop. There was talk of "crisis" that discussed the Colombian university. All sorts of nonsense was put forward to explain it and a string of plasters invoked to remedy it. The result, nevertheless, was to place the university problem in the center of public attention from the country. The truth was that the movement had gained a national audience, certainly favorable. In general, Very briefly, this was the first installment of struggle.
RT: What were the objectives of the movement?
MT: What is called the "minimum program." It was approved by the second of several national meetings of students made that year, held in Bogota in mid-March. Included all the key demands of students and professors at the university. Actually constitutes the basis for a democratic reform of it. His first and most important point demanded the abolition of the old university higher councils and their replacement by new government agencies in the curds eliminated was any involvement of the private sectors outside the university and the Curia, three students and three teachers, however, constitute two thirds of all its members. The significance of this claim is that the fundamentals of democracy in education, academic freedom and research, is a dead letter while the majority sectors of the university is governed. Raised also the representatives of students and faculty were elected democratically, as well as other university officials (deans, directors, etc..). Other points demanded that the government would cover the deficit of universities, freeze tuition and allocate at least 15% of education budget to the National University. Occupied prominent state funding for all higher education, the abolition of ICFES, development of scientific research to serve the nation and the review of all contracts with foreign universities. Categorically included the right of students, both undergraduates and high school, to form independent labor organizations. Finally, specific objectives, the retired rector of the Universidad del Valle, Ocampo Londoño, and the private entity controlled by the university, and as the reopening of the faculty of sociology at the Javeriana. The minimum program of 71, to the extent it is directed against the U.S. imperialist intervention in education, which repudiates the despotic regime imposed on it by the liberal-conservative government and most backward forces in our society, and in both substantial democratic reforms pursued college life, it retains its validity as a control program of the Colombian student.
RT: Who are left to propose the idea of \u200b\u200bthe "minimum program" aimed at the fight?
MT: The "program minimum "was a reflection of the plight of the university system as a whole and of the revolutionary position that had to deal with it. At first all the political groups involved in the national leadership body motion passed. But as the struggle required a greater degree of consistency with the interests of the student masses, the JUCO pro-Soviet organization, and the Trotskyists, practically disowned the program. They argued that even with getting the students and faculty co-governance would be impossible to change anything in college, in education, they said, no revolutionary changes can occur before the triumph of revolution.
RT: But you did not raise a similar argument in April 71, in a speech to national governing council?
MT: For the Patriotic Youth, youth organization MOIR, as for the whole contemporary revolutionary movement in Colombia was whether or not any revolutionary changes in education and culture before the revolution culminated, raised in the course of a great mass movement for the first time, was a theoretical and practical problem again. Most left went for the easy but wrong way leading to conclude that such changes were unworkable. My speech to national governing council, but did contribute to national dissemination of the minimum program and to denounce the outrages of the soldiers officer against the student, suffered from severe limitations: repeated the mechanistic view that while not change the social system would not change the education and democracy confused why the workers and peasants fighting the bourgeois-democratic system. Francisco Mosquera was the leader of the MOIR, based on the rich experience that is unfolding before our eyes, who said the proper focus of the program. Through a series of fruitful discussions gave way to the Marxist-Leninist whereby all great social revolution precedes a revolution in culture. By May we were all unified and around the new position. Hundreds of meetings, thousands of meetings, several national meetings and countless more mass meetings were scenes throughout the country, passionate debates on the issue. Everywhere the Patriotic Youth Trotskyist refuted the absurd claim according to which teachers and students are nothing more than "mere players" of the ideology of the ruling classes. Argue that the oligarchic class culture in power is invulnerable and invincible-replica-equivalent neither more nor less, to make his apology. All manner oppressive need Lenin reminds us of the priest and the executioner, but if modern slaves not begin to shake off the old spiritual name of their exploiters, "he warned us in the controversy, how can derail his political and economic domination? Of all the institutions of the neo-colonial and semi-Colombian society, as in any other society, the university is perhaps the most vulnerable, that is where the power of the dominant classes is more fragile and more likely to be early broken. The reason is simple: she is the quintessential scene of the crash universal among all ideologies, between the world views of all social classes. By stifling the noose that is anti-democracy in education, the fresh wind of the rebellion against old dogmas and obscurantism, against the subservience against U.S. imperialist oppression, ending widespread among students and teachers. It was precisely what happened in 1971. This crisis of the old education and culture old bourgeois-landlord, pro-imperialist, generated a powerful mass movement which surfaced in the new revolutionary culture
the country.
RT: This is the socialist revolutionary culture, Marxism?
MT: Not exclusively. The social base of it is revolutionary classes Colombia: the proletariat, the peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie. That is, it is a culture made up of the ideology of various kinds-social, necessary for national development, not just the culture of the working class, socialism. All these ideologies were expressed in the student movement of 71, as generally in the rest of the mass movements. As the general interests of these classes clash with imperialist domination over the nation and the landlord system, their ideologies are susceptible to ally and shape as a whole, a new type of culture. However, the consequence in the fight to the end only be ensured if the proletarian socialist culture achieved the position of command. That happened in the movement of 71; because it was the right direction, the correlation of forces properly appreciated, and students could start the Pastrana regime memorable conquests.
RT: What were your most important experiences as a participant in the direction of motion?
MT: Actually the most important contradictions were held between the various political groups participate in the direction of the struggle over a key problem: the line tactics to follow in the crucial moments of the conflict. The government believed that with the closure of many universities, by blocking the assembly centers of the student masses, would cause the cessation of fighting by the dispersion of students and classes submissive return movement in defeat. This belief not only the government professed; found tireless advocates in certain policy areas. The pro-Soviet Communist Party, to which the youth rebellion of the sixties forever surnamed "Mamerto" - published in its press, in April and May, several articles and resolutions urging students to return to school. The commies argued that the government had the initiative and that the movement was in retreat, the dispersal, they said, could only be overcome by accepting the reopening of the universities prepared by the government. They argued that the government's attitude was to negotiate, then the student should not boxed in but display large "ductility" return to universities and regroup. From this position, which became known as the "reunification", became spokesmen of the Communist Youth (JUCO) pro-Soviet and Trotskyites. The MOIR and its youth organization, the Patriotic Youth (JUPA), took the position diametrically opposite. We held that the reopening of universities could only be accepted if the government fulfilled the requirement to replace the old top tips for students and faculty co-governance. Classes callers were only soldiers and police everywhere. They were blind to the waves of young people who only dispersed to regroup and fight again. Considered but not enemy action, no action had in mind real, undeniable, warlike, of the student masses. These challenged to fight the harsh repression without fail, the national leadership of the movement could not, therefore, play a withdrawal if the fighting spirit of the student continued to rise, when the government spoke of surrender, not negotiation. Our position was summarized in the first issue of organ MOIR, "Tribuna Roja", in July 1971. The views found led inevitably to the division of the direction of motion, it was formalized in a stormy and prolonged national gathering of students performed in the second half of May. The die was cast, if the commies and Trotskyism had been right, the fight would have yielded in a few weeks and return to school would have been unstoppable. Happily, the opposite happened. Antioch University is closed on April 22, 14 June is reopened by the government but the same day a student assembly approves the continuation of unemployment, the closing of the University of Tunja was also on 22 April, reopening on 22 June but on 13 July to unemployment is total Nariño University went on holiday forced on 28 April and the government called to school on June 14, but the first of July had to occupy militarily similar situation occurred in many other universities: the Cauca, in Manizales, Atlantic, educational, etc. Medellin. Even where military control, was more ferocious and lifelong learning in universities and industrial
Cartagena de Santander, students fought tirelessly, until late in the second half. In July, the government presented its university reform bill to Congress, and since 25 June had issued a decree that students named as the "guiding police" conferred with discretionary powers as to exert the arbitrary repression in the cloisters . It was clear that the government did not control the situation: the closure of universities had set up permanent agitation in the streets and reopening them was almost immediately rejected by the students. The old higher councils began to crumble in fact, the repre-sentatives of the moth-eaten official academies did not return, the Church publicly announced his retirement on 12 August. The difficulties grew in the ranks of government, the bulk of the guiding had refused to serve ram its repressive policies. This Pastrana decided to cancel the national collegiate conference announced for this summer. Education Minister Luis Carlos Galan, whose stupidity was exceeded only by his demagoguery, did not stop to make a mistake after another in March during talks he held with the direction of motion, the good man believed that his endless babble enough on rural education to cease demonstrations by fatigue, in July, during the presentation positions of students and teachers on the university reform in the fifth committee of the Senate, had the candor to aspire to convince them of the benefits of making government reform only become a target of his just wrath, on the same occasion acculturation to teachers be responsible for the "corrupt" leakage of funds from the National University. Logically, the teachers reacted to the unfair offense polarizing en masse to the positions of students. Since August, part of the mainstream press began a barrage of criticism against the deplorable management of the minister. On 16 June he was re-opened National University, with the resumption of classes is only the government agreed a small group of right of Opus Dei and JUCO. The normal academic, far from restored, gave way to widespread condemnation yet of the new puppet placed by the rectory Pastrana Borrero, Santiago Fonseca, whose ignominious expulsion from the campus made a roaring crowd of students on 23 September. The Communist Party organ thundered that the action had been instigated by elements of the DAS, in the days after the same newspaper, "Voice" Mamerta, burned in fires ignited by student rallies. After nine months, the movement reached a new climax. A new wave of demonstrations and street clashes toured the country. The most violent took place in Medellín and Barranquilla. Another national meeting, the seventh of this troubled year, met in the grounds of the City University of Bogotá and agreed national conference of solidarity with the National. Dispelling the species that the fighting had been instigated by "subversive minorities," Pastrana Borrero expression Nixon slavishly copied, "the true public opinion was the fact of what had taken place, from the government and against him, all university. The isolation of the governing officers on the National Universities and Antioch was complete. A visibly was not a good thing for stability source of a government ostensibly fraudulent, long before their first birthday had reintroduced a state of siege and demonstrated its zeal to preserve the oligarchic order, the permanence of conflict and the university. That head tilt away from expressing new and redoubled vigor, unsuspected in a move that took almost a year. The general interest of the scheme was well worth making - essentially temporal course of a policy of compromise with the rebels. Thus, in the last week of September in the government came the idea of \u200b\u200bcompromise with the students through a committee of eminent persons of the circles academic. More than 20 days after intricate negotiations between government representatives and students, there was agreement. On October 23 the official decree was issued which was the new university governance. Except the government, the new Board of Governors of the National University was abolished participation of all sectors outside the university. It consisted of the Minister of Education or the Chancellor, four deans, two students, two teachers and an alumnus. Elections of student representatives were held in mid November. The Patriotic Youth MOIR and had pointed to the desirability of negotiations with the government since in This time it did exist conditions, the success of the meeting had confirmed the wisdom of this approach. Candidates for the student organization, Uriel Ramírez and Juan José Arango, JUPA leaders, they got about 5,000 votes, the most votes, leaving elected the new Board of Governors. The commies, meanwhile, just got the same vote that the small group of Opus Dei: about 800 votes. The verdict of the students on the political forces was more eloquent and convincing than all the speculation and fabrications of government, the commies and Trotskyism. At year's end, students at Antioch University pulled the government agreement similar to the National ja. The new Board of the university was established in early 1972. There also two student representatives to co-government, elected by a large vote, were members of the JUPA, one of them, the student council president, Amilcar Acosta. In many ways, the movement of 71 is a living model, a lesson in force, revolutionary tactics. Cogobiemo double conquest of National universities and Antioch was a historic victory for the youth and people.
RT: But both were suppressed by the Pastrana government very soon, before completion of the first half of 1,972; How can you explain such a trip?
MT: The first factor that explains this collapse was the state of confusion and disarray prevailing among the students. Decisively contributed to this sect extremoizquierdistas commies and those who attacked the co-government in coalition as well as the regime itself. On the other hand, these same groups, unleashed against the Patriotic Youth MOIR and a fierce campaign, we made the decision to participate in the election campaign, his attacks penetrated mainly in universities by the pervasiveness of prejudice abstained in the student body . Today we smile to see how several of our fiercest critics of the time, who accused us of "betrayal of the youth movement and the revolution", have fallen into the deplorable state into the lap of old masters such as Gerardo Molina liberal or simply fatten the ranks of government bureaucracy more obedient. The co-governance and succumbed in the crossfire between the government, that encouraged the immaturity and unpreparedness of the "troublemakers" to engage in the management of the university, and the JUCO and ultra-leftism on the other hand, branded it bureaucratic and reformer. In its short life, however, left the indelible imprint cogobiemo the revolution in the annals of Colombian university management. Councils university top national universities and Antioch approved by a majority repudiating the government's university reform bill Pastrana which currently before Congress. Most also suspended the enforcement of the agreement of the two universities with foreign institutions like the IDB. The same advice increased the budget for their respective universities, expanded the quota for enrollment, improved student welfare, student and teacher reinstated expelled and dismissed by his fighting stance and promoted the Democratic nomination of deans and department heads. There is perhaps best precedent of university autonomy, the brow for democracy in education and the national interest?. The cogobiemo only had time to conduct preparatory work and overcome some obstacles. He could not even begin its most important role as an instrument of revolution: the task of determining the content of education, key role that the state has always retained oligáquico. Cogobiemo suppression conquered by the struggle does not show, as some say, the futility of that claim. The only thing is once again confirms that the continuation of the revolutionary achievements will always depend on the masses are mobilized to defend them.
RT: What is your opinion on the situation of the Colombian student movement today?
MT: Several things could be answered on this question, suffice it for now to the following: the reflux of years that characterizes this sector mass, manifested in the lack of national organization, the mediocrity and even the apolitical and dissemination of liberal antiquities, dating from when the Communist Party supported the government of Lopez, in college it was expressed in the support that promoted the commies around the body "Marxist" Luis Carlos Pérez. This reflux, such as the popular movement as a whole will not be eternal. The young scholar the country will continue its revolutionary march through the breach opened by the student movement of 71.
From: http://www.juventudpatriotica.com/portada/node/4" In Colombia, which the French May came much later, would emerge in the seventies, generating more tremendous than the country's history has known: the student movement that began in 1971."
By: Reinaldo Spitaletta
GENERATION MAY FRENCH, or in the United States endorsed as the "Baby Boomer", is retirement stage.
manufacturer was utopias and, in effect, made young people in social agents and actors of history. Framed within the social and cultural revolutions, politicized youth, which before the Second War was apathetic or right. However, in the sixties, the youth were not uniform.
was, of course, those fed peeled disagreement, influenced by the Cuban Revolution, the struggles of national liberation, socialism, and the speeches of Adorno, Marcuse, Sartre and Marxist perspective. Others, especially in America, were an extension of the Beat generation, experience hallucinogenic, the hippies and somehow combat the marginalization of the social. Proclaimed a kind of individualism, capitalism spurs.
These conformists, who seemed a derivation of the hero James Dean and ephemeral, are remarkably portrayed in literature in such works as The Cubs, Vargas Llosa. The first one, the iconoclastic and rebellious romantics, wanted to change the world, being a historical reference: before and after them. The other, pagan and superficial enjoyment, was alienated by the canons of the consumer society and immersed in a carpe diem clueless.
In this sense, the decade of the sixties, the sexual revolution and the miniskirt, was full of contradictions and therefore can not be seen as a uniform, and will use gringos jeans and shirts with effigies of Che Guevara. Youth cultures flourished, which revolutionized the behaviors and habits, particularly as Hobsbawm suggests, in the way of having the leisure and commercial arts. There were times when "making love and making revolution could not be separated clearly."
There were those who claimed the facts that the ways of breaking ties and social norms, to demarcate land with parents and neighbors were sex and drugs. Could be part of those silly "Wonder Years." The other, they thought the midwife of history, was to occupy the streets, evidence of the protest, attempting to change social relations and dream. Because, perhaps as Yeats said, dreams can not be met, but I encourage it.
In Latin America, where hippies were underdeveloped emergence of guerrillas, the salsa, but also expressions of the "new song" and the mediocre Baladites the "new wave" appeared on the literary Boom. At the same time, American Indians sterilized, and were put puppet governments, despite the student demonstrations, to reign in his hunting.
In the sixties, a refined part of the youth anti-imperialist speeches, while other sectors are affiliated with LSD and mushrooms. While some venerated the bearded Cuban poet Mao and Ho Chi Minh and warrior, others idolized the hippie communes and believed that bathing or grow his hair were revolutionary acts. Some were signs of "peace and love" and others shouted "create two, three, many Vietnams."
In Colombia, which the French May came much later, would emerge in the seventies, generating more tremendous than the country's history has known: the student movement broke in 1971. Forty years of that survey, it is again time for the balance: would it be a lost generation? Taken from THE
ESPECTADOR.COM
